Posts Tagged ‘ATS’

The Battle of Azamgarh – By Amaresh Misra

March 8, 2009

The Battle of Azamgarh 


                                    By Amaresh Misra




      Right now, a new kind of a battle is going on in India. For the first time since Independence, Muslims of a whole region right in India’s heartland—the district of Azamgarh in Poorvanchal (East Uttar Pradesh)—have launched an Independent mass movement. Till date, from its own resources, the Ulema Council, an umbrella organization of leading Muslim clerics of the district, has succeeded in bringing hundreds and thousands of ordinary Muslims to Delhi, and then Lucknow in protest rallies. Several of the young boys and men from middle, lower and working classes arrived in trains booked in advance by the Ulema Council.

For the first time in the history of mass movements in India, railways were used as a means and a mode of protest. The issues the protestors raised included a judicial enquiry into the Batala House encounter, an end to Police atrocities and terror, picking of boys without warrants by the UP-ATS from villages of the district, the maligning of boys from a whole district as terrorists, and the refusal of `civilized’ citizens in Mumbai and Delhi to give houses on rent to students and residents of Azamgarh.

It is difficult to conceive that any other district of India would have risen en masse on these issues—in Azamgarh, till October 2008, just a month after the Batala House encounter, and two months after Abu Bashar, the main accused in the July 26thAhmedabad Blasts was picked up from the Sarai Meer village, the situation was so bad that any ATS man in plainclothes could enter a village and harass and torture Muslims at will. Azamgarhis were practically lynched in Delhi by blood thirsty fascist crowds on at least two occasions.

Formed in September 2008, the Ulema Council fought back and in a very short time, by December 2008, the tide began to turn. The aggressive stance taken by the Ulema Council leaders forced the local Police and the ATS to put a stop to the open beating and harassment of Muslim youth. At several places, where the ATS arrived to take boys into custody, villagers came out in hordes—the ATS had to retreat. The issue against police atrocities became one of self-respect and human dignity.   

Poorvanchal is the area where the BJP-VHP-RSS saffron brigade has also unleashed a reign of anti-Muslim terror. Presenting a deadly mixture of Hindutva politics and mafia activities under police protection, Adityanath and his son Yoginath, the BJP MP from Gorakhpur, are virtually a law unto their own. Recently, they even had the gumption to kill a Muslim Police Inspector in broad daylight.

After the Batala House encounter, BJP leaders of Azamgarh were talking openly about turning Azamgarh into another Gorakhpur or even Gujarat. In fact, the BJP and VHP leaders gave a slogan—Azamgarh shuruaat karega, UP Gujarat banega. To counter this, the Ulema Council gave the slogan:Azamgarh shuruaat karega, poora Bharat swarg banega.

   This basic spirit of Muslim led Indian secular nationalism, in which instead of a Hindu-Muslim or even a police Vs Muslim fight the Azamgarh battle has become part of the larger war for secularism in India, has surprised armchair liberals—unlike other such initiatives undertaken by other social forces, the Azamgarh phenomenon has some very specific features. For one, it is in tune with the post 26/11 mood of national secular unity and decline of communal feeling. It has nothing to do with Muslim League type exclusive Muslim assertion. It includes a vast majority of Pasis, Chamars, Rajbhars, Musahars and Nonias, other Most Backward Hindu Castes and poorer sections from amongst the upper castes, who too have borne the brunt of police and mafia-Hindutva atrocities.    

          Secondly, this movement has deep roots in Azamgarh’s history. In 1857, this was the district which provided the British with one of the fiercest resistance in Eastern India.  Most of the sepoys of the East India Company Bengal Army came from Avadh and Poorvanchal (east UP).    An entire infantry regiment, the 17th BNI, which remained in the frontline during the battles in Avadh and Lucknow, was made up of Muslims, Rajputs and Yadavs of Azamgarh. The Pulwar Rajputs of Azamgarh and Muslims of the Belariagunj, Sarai Meer and Beni Para (the upsurge areas of the current movement) are mentioned in British records as one of the toughest anti-colonial resistance fighters.  

       During the 1942 Quit India movement, one of the first attacks on Police stations and Kotwalis were reported from Azamgarh. One by one, all districts of Poorvanchal followed Azamgarh’s lead—soon the entire region from Jaunpur to Ballia was out of British hands, the police fleeing almost to a man.  

       In the post-Independence era, one of the first anti-Congress opposition party MLA was elected from Azamgarh. In the 1960s, when the notion of independent Muslim assertion was unheard of, Azamgarh was home to Muslim Majlis, a secular movement of Dalit-backward-Muslim elements started by Dr. Faridi of Lucknow.

       In the 1970s and 1980s, upwardly mobile and politically and socially conscious Azamgarhis began to move out—in Mumbai, Dubai, and the US, wherever they went, they built small businesses and prospered to a certain extent. Then they came back to their villages—in the 1990s, Azamgarhis decided to send their boys and girls to for higher education, especially to centers like Delhi.

       It was because of a desire for education that boys from Azamgarh rented houses and began staying in Okhla and the Jamia Nagar-Batala House area. At the same time the Delhi Police began to be fed with reports that a lot of Muslim boys from Azamgarh were settling down in the city.  BJP UP circles viewed the social mobility of Muslims with envy and suspicion; during Advani’s tenure as the Home Minister, Azamgarh boys were screened regularly by the Delhi Police.

After the 12th September 2008 Delhi blasts, there was immense pressure on the Delhi Police to do something. The department already had a ready data on Delhi based Azamgarh boys. Sajid and Atif, the victims of the Batala house episode, seemed to have been made the scapegoat, and Azamgarh the ready villain, by the Delhi Police.    

Only Ulemas could have countered this kind of a state terror.  Indian Ulemas played a glorious role during the Indian freedom struggle. Hundreds and thousands died during 1857 wars. Then in the 20thcentury, Indian Ulemas opposed Jinnah’s two nation theory. After 1947, they went back to theirmadrasas and khanqahas (hospices). Now, 17 years after the Babari Masjid demolition, and 7 years after the Gujarat riots, they have again emerged for direct political action. In fact the Ulema Council has fielded 5 candidates from UP in the coming Parliamentary elections—in the days to come they will field more. Besides the BJP, the Ulema Council has rejected SP, BSP and the Congress for pursuing a negative brand of secular politics. Elsewhere in India too Muslims are forming secular parties under their leadership—Badruddin Ajmal’s Assam United Democratic Front (AUDF) is expanding to Maharashtra and Bengal. Kerala is witnessing the rise of the Popular Front. Even Jamaat-e-Islami is contemplating a secular political party.  

Muslims say that for 44 years they tried first, the upper caste Hindu secular leadership—and then after 1991 the Backward and Dalit Hindu secular forces. All three took them for a ride. Now the current mood is to take leadership in their own hands and forge alliances with different social forces and Hindu castes. The Indian (chiefly Hindu) political class should take note as to why this is happening—isn’t it true that the story of current Muslim assertion includes the recent history of betrayal by the Indian state of its own promises given to Muslims, written as law in the Indian constitution?        


February 18, 2009



The Mumbai attacks need a thorough investigation


By Raveena Hansa



In all the confusion and horror generated by the ghastly terrorist attacks in Bombay, a dimension which has not received the attention it deserves is the circumstances surrounding the death of Anti-Terrorist Squad (ATS) chief Hemant Karkare and two of his colleagues, encounter specialist Vijay Salaskar and Additional Commissioner of Police Ashok Kamte. The major pattern of operations involved well-organised attacks on a few high-profile sites in Colaba – the Taj and Oberoi Hotels and Nariman House – while a parallel set of operations was centred on VT or CST station, Cama Hospital and the Metro cinema, in the middle of which is the police headquarters where Karkare worked. The latter is an area where foreigners are much less likely to be found.

Why is a Proper Investigation Crucial?


Hemant Karkare was engaged in unearthing a terror network with characteristics which had not been seen so far. The investigation started by tracing the motorcycle used to plant bombs in Malegaon in September 2008 to a Hindu Sadhvi, Pragyasingh Thakur; it later uncovered a cellphone conversation between her and Ramji, the man who planted the bombs, in which she asked why more people had not been killed. For the first time, the Indian state was conducting a thorough professional probe into a terror network centred on Hindu extremist organisations, this one with huge ramifications, some leading into military and bomb-making training camps and politicised elements in the army, others into organisations and political leaders affiliated to the BJP.  One of the most potentially explosive discoveries was that a serving military intelligence officer, Lt.Col. Srikant Purohit, had procured 60 kg of RDX from government supplies for use in the terrorist attack on the Samjhauta Express (the India-Pakistan ”Understanding’ train) in February 2007, in which 68 people were killed, the majority of them Pakistanis. Initially, militants of Lashkar-e-Taiba and other Islamist terror groups had been accused of carrying out the attack, but no evidence against them had been found.


The hostility generated by this investigation was enormous, with allegations that the suspects had been tortured and that Karkare was being used as a political tool, and demands that the ATS team should be changed. Chief Minister of Gujarat Narendra Modi and BJP Prime Ministerial candidate L.K. Advani accused him of being a ‘desh drohi’ or traitor, a charge that in India carries a death penalty. The Shiv Sena offered legal aid to those accused of the terrorist attack, and an editorial in its mouthpiece Saamna threatened that ‘the people will take action’ against the ATS officers involved in the Malegaon blast probe, adding that ‘On such officers we spit, we spit’.  In an interview shortly before he died, Karkare admitted he was hurt by the campaign against him. On November 26, just before the terrorist attack, the police in Pune received a call from an anonymous caller saying in Marathi that Karkare would be killed in a bomb blast within two or three days.


Just as attitudes to Karkare in society at large were polarised, with some admiring him as a hero – one Maulana went so far as to call him a ‘massiha (messiah) of Muslims’, an amazing tribute from a Muslim to a Hindu – while others hated him as a traitor worthy of death, attitudes within the police force too were polarised. For example, dismissed encounter specialist Sachin Vaze (who with three colleagues was charged with murder, criminal conspiracy, destruction of evidence and concealment of the dead body in the Khwaja Yunus case shortly before the terrorist attack) was a member of the Shiv Sena who was actively engaged in the campaign against Karkare and in support of the Malegaonblast accused.


Hard Evidence or Pulp Fiction?


Given this background, and reports that are riddled with inconsistencies, it is not surprising that many residents of Bombay are asking questions about the exact circumstances of the death of Hemant Karkare and his colleagues; when A.R. Antulay raised the question in parliament, he was merely giving voice to a small part of the doubts entertained by many others. The earliest reports, presumably relayed from the police via the media, said that Karkare had been killed at the Taj, and Salaskar and Kamte at Metro. If this was not true, why were we told this? And why was the story later changed? Was it because it conflicted with eye-witness accounts? In the early hours of the 27th, under the heading ‘ATS Chief Hemant Karkare Killed: His Last Pics’, IBNlive showed footage first of Karkare putting on a helmet and bullet-proof vest, then cut to a shootout at Metro, where an unconscious man who looks like Karkare and wearing the same light blue shirt and dark trousers (but without any blood on his shirt or the terrible wounds we saw on his face at his funeral) is being pulled into a car by two youths in saffron shirts. The commentary says that Karkare ‘could well have fallen prey to just indiscriminate, random firing by the cops’, and also reports that there were two vehicles, a Toyota Qualis and Honda City, from which the occupants were firing indiscriminately.

Later we were given two accounts of the killings where the venue was shifted to a deserted lane without cameras or eye-witnesses. The first account is by the lone terrorist captured alive, claiming to be A.A.Kasab from Faridkot in Pakistan and a member of the terrorist group Lashkar-e-Taiba. According to him, just two gunmen, he and Ismail (also from Pakistan), first attacked VT station, where they sprayed bullets indiscriminately. (Around 58 people were killed there; over one-third of them Muslims, and many more might have been killed if the announcer, Mr Zende, had not risked his life to direct passengers to safety.) They then went to Cama, a government hospital for women and children used mainly by the poor. Initially, according to the police, Kasab claimed he and Ismail had killed Karkare, Salaskar and Kamte.   Later, in his ‘confession,’ he claimed that while coming out of the hospital, he and Ismail saw a police vehicle passing and hid behind a bush; then another vehicle passed them and stopped some distance away. A police officer got out and started firing at them, hitting Kasab on the hand so that he dropped his AK47, but Ismail opened fire on the officers in the car until they stopped firing. There were three bodies in the vehicle, which Ismail removed, and then drove off in it with Kasab.


The other account is by police constable Arun Jadhav. According to him, Karkare, Salaskar, Kamte, a driver and four police constables including himself were driving down the alley from VT to the back entrance of Cama (barely a ten-minute drive) in their Toyota Qualis to check on injured police officer Sadanand Date when two gunmen emerged from behind trees by the left side of the road and sprayed the vehicle with bullets, killing all its inmates except Jadhav. They then dragged out the three officers, hijacked the vehicle, drove to Metro junction and then Mantralaya in South Bombay, abandoned it when a tyre burst, and grabbed another car.


According to police accounts, they then drove to Girgaum, where Kasab was injured and arrested and his companion killed.

These accounts raise more questions than they answer. Kasab claimed that a band of ten terrorists landed and split up into twos, going to various destinations, he and his companion going to VT. He said they wanted to blow up the Taj, as in the attack on the Marriott in Islamabad; yet we are told that only 8kg of RDX were found at the Taj, and even that was not used; contrast this with 600kg of RDX and TNT used to blow up the Marriott: could they really have expected to blow up the Taj? Given that the rest of the operation was so systematic, why did they plant two bombs in taxis to go off in random locations, one in Dockyard Road and another in Vile Parle, 25 kilometres away? He said that the terrorists planned to use their hostages as a means of escape, yet there was no attempt at any time to do that; at other times, he also said they had been instructed to fight to the death.   He says he is a labourer from Faridkot near Multan and only studied up to Class IV, but it is reported that he speaks fluent English. Several people have pointed out that the pictures of him in VT show him wearing a saffron wrist-band, a Hindu custom, and police later revealed that he could not recite a single verse from the Koran, which any child growing up in a Muslim family would have been able to do. Indeed, a thoughtful article on the soc.culture.jewish group argued that the terrorists were not Muslims but mercenaries, given their appearance and behaviour (especially their reported consumption of alcohol and drugs), pointing out that they did not need to disguise themselves, since Muslims who look like Muslims are plentiful in Bombay, and would not attract undue attention.


During his interrogation, Kasab said that he and eight of the operatives had done a reconnaissance trip to Bombay a few months back, pretending to be students and renting a room at Colaba market, which is close to Nariman House. It is extremely hard for Pakistani nationals to get Indian visas, and they are kept under close surveillance by the police; it is also most unlikely that the Indian immigration authorities would be fooled by forged passports of another country. In that case, the Indian immigration authorities would have visa applications of nine of the terrorists including Kasab, and could match the photographs in them to those of the terrorists: has this been done? Later, Kasab changed his story and said that the team who carried out reconnaissance was different from the team who had carried out the attacks.


The events in VT and Cama and the back lane also put a question mark over his story. According to witnesses, two gunmen started firing at the mainline terminus in VT at 21.55 on Wednesday night, but at precisely the same time, according to CCTV footage, two gunmen began an assault on the suburban terminus.   If the first account is true, there were four gunmen at the station: where did the other two come from, and where did they go? We are shown video footage, claiming to be CCTV but without the timeline of normal CCTV footage, of Kasab and Ismail wandering around the parking lot near the mainline terminus. This surely cannot be before the shootout, since the station is completely deserted; and after the shootout, Kasab and Ismail are supposed to have escaped via the footbridge from Platform 1 of the suburban station on the other side of VT: this, again, suggests there were four gunmen. Even if Kasab and Ismail had been shown photographs of Karkare, Salaskar and Kamte before they embarked on their trip, how could they possibly have identified the police officers in a dark alley in the dead of night according to Kasab’s first story? According to his later confession, a police officer got out of the vehicle and started firing first, injuring him; how, then, did Ismail manage to kill the rest by himself?


Witnesses in Cama hospital say the terrorists spoke fluent Marathi, and this report in two Marathi papers (Maharashtra Times and Navakaal of  28 /12/ 2008) has been confirmed. The gunmen killed two guards in uniform, spared a third, who was in civilian dress and begged for his life saying he was the husband of patient, demanded water from an employee in the staff quarters and then killed him. They then appear to have made a beeline for the 6th floor (which was empty) and the terrace, taking with them the liftman, Tikhe. 15-30 minutes later, six to eight policemen arrived, and another employee took them up to the 6th floor. The policemen threw a piece of steel up to the terrace, whereupon Tikhe came running down and told them there were two terrorists on the terrace. A fierce gun-battle ensued for 30 to 45 minutes, in which ACP Sadanand Date was injured. Panic-stricken patients and staff in the maternity ward on the 5th floor barricaded the door; nurses instructed the women to breast-feed their babies to keep them quiet, and one woman, who was in the middle of labour, was told to hold back the birth; but they were not invaded. Eventually the gunmen appear to have escaped, it is not clear how.  If they were Kasab and Ismail, then these two must have been fluent Marathi speakers. And why would they have taken up positions on the terrace? Was it because it overlooks the lane in which Karkare, Salaskar and Kamte were later supposedly killed?


The other account is equally dubious. In his first account, Jadhav said Karkare was in the second row of the Qualis, while in the second he was supposed to be in the front row with Kamte. In the second account, Salaskar was initially sitting behind the driver, but then asked the driver to slow down and got behind the wheel himself: is it plausible that an experienced encounter specialist would deliberately make himself into a sitting duck like this when they were in hot pursuit of terrorists? In the first account they were supposed to be going to check up on their injured colleague Sadanand Date, but in the second were supposed to be looking for a red car in which they had been told the gunmen were travelling. If the report about the red car was a decoy to lure them into an ambush, it is important to know who told them that the terrorists were in a red car. If the gunmen were firing from the left side, as Jadhav claimed, how was Karkare hit three times in the chest while Jadhav himself got two bullets in his right arm? In fact, the only vegetation in that part of the lane is on the right side, and is pinned to the wall by chest-high wire netting; it would be necessary to climb over the netting to hide behind it, and climb over again to come out: impossible under the circumstances.  Witnesses say only two bodies were found at the spot next morning: what happened to the third officer? Who were the three constables killed?


How did two terrorists manage to kill six police personnel, including Karkare and Kamte who he said were armed with AK47s and Salaskar, an encounter specialist, when one terrorist was later captured and the other killed by policemen armed only with two rifles and lathis? Assistant Police Inspector Ombale was killed in that encounter, but his colleagues survived. A DNA report on 2 December said that sub-inspector Durgude, who had been posted in front of St Xavier’s College, between Cama Hospital and the exit point of the back lane onto Mahapalika Road, saw two young men whom he took to be students and called out to warn them that there was firing at Cama. When they ignored him, he approached them, upon which one of them turned an AK47 on him and killed him. If Kasab and Ismail were there, who was firing inside Cama? Again, it is evident that at least four terrorists, and possibly more, were involved in this operation.


There was also an intriguing report in DNA on 28 November saying that Anand Raorane, a resident of a building opposite Nariman House, heard sounds of celebration from the terrorists there when the news of Karkare getting killed was flashed on TV: isn’t that strange? The same report quoted a resident of Nariman House and a local shopkeeper who said that the terrorists had purchased large quantities of food and liquor before the attack, suggesting that more than two of them were planning to occupy the place for a long time. Eye-witnesses in St Xavier’s saw a man shot and lying on the pavement in front of the college around 12.30 a.m., while about three gunmen stood over him: who was that? Various reports said that two to eight terrorists were captured alive. Now there is only one in police custody: what happened to the other(s)?


A careful scrutiny of all the reports available so far suggests, to this writer anyway, that the killing of Karkare was a premeditated act executed by his self-proclaimed enemies, some of whom had prior intelligence of the attack on the hotels and planned their own attack to coincide with it. The operation in Cama, in particular, seems to have had the sole objective of luring Karkare into the lane where he was later reportedly killed. A.R. Antulay’s demand for a probe into the killing was widely supported, even though the same parties who were earlier vilifying and threatening Karkare responded by baying for his blood. P. Chidambaram’s clarification that it was by chance that Karkare, Salaskar and Kamte happened to be travelling in the same vehicle does not explain any of the other anomalies: Why did the terrorists go into Cama? If they were intending to slaughter people ruthlessly as they did in VT, why did they desist – did they have a sudden crisis of conscience? If they intended to create a hostage crisis, why did they go to the 6th floor and terrace, where there were no patients or staff? On the other hand, if they were looking for a getaway vehicle, wouldn’t they have been more likely to find it on the road than on the terrace of Cama? How did these Pakistanis learn to speak Marathi so fluently? And are we really expected to believe that they could defy the laws of nature by being in two places at the same time, engaged in a shootout at Cama while at the same time gunning down sub-inspector Durgude outside St Xavier’s?


The Objective: Shutting Down Terrorist Networks


These are just a few of the numerous questions being asked by vigilant Bombayites who find themselves thoroughly dissatisfied with the information that has been doled out. These are citizens who understand that their security depends on identifying Islamist terrorist networks in Pakistan and shutting them down, but feel it is equally important to their security to identify and shut down Hindutva terrorist networks in India, which have been responsible for the majority of terrorist attacks in Maharashtra, and possibly the whole country, in the past five years. Why are they so cynical about the possibility of a genuine professional investigation? The answer is that we have too much bitter experience of investigations in which innocent people (usually Muslims) are rounded up, tortured and even killed, while the real culprits are allowed to go free. Interpol chief Robert Noble’s amazing revelation on December 23 that India had not shared any information about the terrorists with it, despite its offer to use Interpol’s extensive resources to assist in the investigation, can only fuel the suspicion that the information dished out by the police to the public via the media is not of a quality that would be acceptable to a truly professional police agency. Karkare broke with this dismal record, but now he is dead. When a person who has been vilified, slandered and threatened with death is killed in suspicious circumstances, it is imperative that a proper investigation should be carried out soon, before too much evidence can be manufactured and/or destroyed. If Kasab aka Iman disappears or is assassinated like Lee Harvey Oswald, or is executed, that could only be seen as evidence of a cover-up.


The government and people of Pakistan have as much interest as the government and people of India in eliminating the terror networks that have killed President Asif Ali Zardari’s wife Benazir Bhutto and thousands of others in both Pakistan and India. The terrorists, on the other hand, be they Islamist or Hindutva, have a common interest in destroying secularism, democracy and peace within and between the two countries. That is their precise agenda. Pakistani politicians had offered a joint investigation into the terrorist attacks, a far more sensible suggestion than belligerent statements by some Indians accusing Pakistan of harbouring terrorists who are killing Indians, which led us to the brink of war. It should be obvious that a military conflict between India and Pakistan, advocated by the Shiv Sena, would be disastrous for both countries economically, while a nuclear war, which might ensue if extremist forces captured power in both countries, would have unthinkable consequences. If the Indo-Pakistan peace process is halted, as L.K. Advani advocates, the terrorists would have won.


Indeed, without a joint investigation, the terrorist networks behind this outrage can never be uncovered: how else could the names and addresses in Pakistan revealed by Kasab be followed up to the satisfaction of all parties? Interpol could act as a coordinating agency, but would not be able to follow up information about the terrorists unless it is provided by the Indian authorities. The Indian government owes it to the memory of Karkare, Salaskar and Kamte, who died fighting terrorism of all hues, to establish a credible account of exactly where, when and how they were killed, and identify their killers; unlike the well-known female TV anchor and others who berated Antulay for ‘helping Pakistan,’ we do not have to agree that one has to be a moron in order to be a good Indian! The government also owes it to us, the public, who are the prime targets of all terrorist attacks, to carry out a credible investigation which identifies and puts behind bars all the mass murderers involved in this and other attacks.




Online edition of India’s National Newspaper

Mumbai Terror attacks – Dossier of evidence

This is a scanned copy of the 69-page dossier of material stemming from the ongoing investigation into the Mumbai terrorist attacks of November 26-29, 2008 that was handed over by India to Pakistan on January 5, 2009.

Evidence 1

Evidence 2


Evidence 3

Some pages from the dossier were originally posted twice in another format. These have been removed. The complete dossier in the possession of The Hindu consists of 69 pages.

Mumbai Carnage: The final Nail in Mumbai Police’s Coffin – By Amaresh Misra

December 24, 2008

Monday, December 22, 2008

Mumbai Carnage: The final Nail in Mumbai Police’s Coffin

By Amaresh Misra

It is 11.41 PM in India on 22nd December 2008 in India. Barely an hour ago, the Mumbai Police have come out with a statement, on the last day of the Indian Parliament, after AR Antulay, the Indian minority affairs minister was getting increasing support from all secular, Left and even BJP backed parties for his questioning of circumstances surrounding Hemant Karkare’s death and demand for a probe into the same.
The Police statement sounds like a Post Mortem report—but it not one, we are told—it is a statement on the kind of bullets Karkare received on his body. The statement says “four bullets were found on Hemant Karkare’s body; none of the four bullets found on Karkare’s body were from a Police weapon; Karkare was shot by terrorists and his death has nothing to do with the Malegaon blast investigations”.
I leave it to readers to draw their conclusions on the cruel joke which the Mumbai Police and the establishment behind it is playing with Indian, Muslim, Hindu and Marathi sentiments. Have you ever heard of a Police statement which explains that `none of the bullets found on Karkare’s body came from a Police weapon?’ And that his death had nothing to do with Malegaon investigations?
This is not a statement. It is a foolish defense—an epic slip of the official whip—of an indefensible truth—that Karkare was indeed killed by a Police weapon and that his death was a direct result of Malegaon Blast investigations.
The establishment—not just the RSS minded forces but also the pro-US, pro-Israel lobby in Congress and other `secular’ parties—seems frightened, especially by the stand taken by Muhammad Salim, the CPI-M MP, who along with Sandeep Dixit of the Congress, gave one of the best speeches in the Parliament when the debate on the Mumbai carnage began. Muhammad Salim is the young, modern face of the Indian Muslim and his coming out in Antulay’s favor was `dangerous’.
I am not drawing this conclusion—it is emerging from reading the Police version backwards, from the perspective of Edgar Allen Poe, Dashiell Hammett and Ibn-e-Safi. Common sense has deserted the Mumbai Police. This if any is God’s justice and nature’s revenge on killers and rapists like Rakesh Maria, the Joint Commissioner of Mumbai Police, and surprisingly and shockingly the chief investigator in the Mumbai carnage.
By issuing this statement when only a day is left for Parliament’s winter session, when both Antulay and this author were getting increasing support from ordinary Hindus and Muslims for their `conspiracy theories’, the Mumbai Police has admitted its guilt. If the Indian judicial system fails to punish the Mumbai or whichever Police killed Karkare, then God’s and people’s justice will take over.
The Police statement fails to address the basic questions: who sent Karkare, Salaskar and Kaamte to Cama hospital to get killed? Where is Karkare’s mobile phone? Who is the person he was talking to when his last footage was shown on TV? Why have Karkare’s calls not been traced through the satellite system? Karkare was given Z security—where was the Z security when Karkare went into the field? How can an ATS chief enter into a battle with terrorists without at least a dozen members of his 400 strong ATS team, equipped with semi-automatic weapons? Where was the Mumbai ATS team? There are three versions of the chain of events leading to Karkare’s death—which version is true which false?
Karkare was unveiling the uncomfortable truth that terror has a different side to it; according to Karkare’s investigations into the Malegaon blasts, terrorists did not come merely in the shape of `Muslim’ skull caps or beards or Pathan suits. They could also don the tika and pseudo-Hindu, anti-national, anti-Sanatani, anti-secular saffron robes.
For the first time since Independence, Karkare was not just taking the ever alive RSS backed Hindutva terrorism head on; he was wittingly or unwittingly challenging American and Israeli backed Islamophobia. Karkare was challenging directly CIA and Mossad—people who do not take this seriously, whether or not they believe in any `theory’, are simply dumb.
Imagine the repercussions had Karkare been allowed to go ahead with the full probe on Malegaon investigations. Imagine Praveen Togadia behind bars; imagine Narendra Modi behind bars; imagine even Sudarshan and LK Advani behind bars—above all imagine the nightmare of New York Times, Washington Post, Time magazine, Newsweek, The Economist and all pseudo-liberal newspapers who have gone along and played the American-Israeli game of demonizing Islam and creating the image of the `Islamic terrorist’, only and only because, after the demise of the Soviet Union, Islam is the only ideology left in the world possessing a concept of jihad or dharmayuddhya, i.e. a fight against injustice, and the only barrier in the way of the American-Israeli loot of Asian resources.
Imagine the discomfiture of even the Guardian newspaper for which Arundhati Roy’s generalized, superficially anti-American but pro-western-liberal-Imperialist stance, of a pseudo-girlish `oh-my-God’ kind of horror at dirty Indian realities—realities created by the west, but which the West prefers to look condescendingly at, an attitude Arundhati Roy never questions—is the most comfortable kind of third world liberalism that they can live with.
As the Government of India prepares for war with Pakistan at American-Israeli behest, a small happening, Hemant Karkare’s Post Mortem non-report/report, Mumbai Police’s `forced confession’, is standing in its way.
The battle for India’s souls has just begun—tomorrow do not believe a word of what headlines of leading Indian newspapers will scream. They are dead serious about their lies and half-truths—and they know it.
Just 500 meters away from Nariman House, there is a station of the Grenadier Battalion; it was ready to go into action at 11 PM on 26th November; timely action by this force could have saved hundreds of lives—but this battalion and other army units were not pressed into action till 5or 6 AM after the NSG arrived. Why this deliberate callousness? Who is responsible for these orders? Shouldn’t he or she, or hees and shees, be publicly hanged?
Mumbai Police is one of the strongest bastion, of RSS-underworld-Mossad-US alliance, which uses the ISI and a part of RAW as tools. Sonia Gandhi must realize this before it is too late. These forces killed her husband and her mother-in-law. They will not spare anyone. The CPI-M should also realize that as the Congress fails the historic duty of saving India from disintegration, chaos and fascist/colonial takeover rests on its shoulders. Let all Left, secular and patriotic forces see in the Mumbai carnage the first direct assault Mossad-CIA backed ISI, underworld and Hindutva agents on India’s sovereignty.
For those who do not believe that RSS can use Dawood (now a CIA asset) or Vice versa or that ISI can use RSS or Vice versa, what about Indranesh, an accused in the Malegaon Blast investigations taking Rs 3 Crores from the ISI, something mentioned by Karkare in the Malegaon file?

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Our terror, their terror – By Vir Sanghvi – Hindustan Times

November 23, 2008

Our terror, their terror

Counterpoint | Vir Sanghvi

Hindustan Times (Nov. 22, 2008)

Shortly before LK Advani spoke at the HT Summit on Friday, I was
chatting to Ajit Doval.  Though he is not yet a household name, Doval
is a former director of the Intelligence Bureau who was close to
Advani when the latter was Home Minister and he will probably be
National Security Advisor if the BJP comes to power.

As Advani has – by his own admission – been reluctant to say very much
about the allegations of terrorism against various militant Hindus, I
asked Doval how he viewed the arrests and the claims made by the Anti
Terror Squad (ATS).

Doval’s response was that the term ‘Hindu terror’ worried him. There
were, he said, two dimensions to any battle against terror. The first
was law and order. You should treat all terrorists as murderers
regardless of their religions, ethnic origins or whatever.

But the second one had to do with their cause. You always avoided, he
said, any nomenclature that helped terrorists broaden their
constituencies. So, in the 1980s, you never ever used the phrase ‘Sikh
terrorists’ no matter how many bombs exploded. And in the 21st
century, care was taken to refer to ‘Jehadi terrorists’. If you said
‘Muslim terrorists’, you suggested, however subliminally, that the
terrorists represented all Muslims – which of course, they do not.

It was a perceptive point and one that Advani also made in his speech
at the Summit. Though he refused to be drawn further on the subject –
despite an excellent question from an IBN7 correspondent – Advani said
that he was unhappy with the phrase ‘Hindu terrorists’.

I have no real problem with Advani and Doval’s position. The bombers
do not represent Hindus, and yes, there is a danger that Hindus may
subliminally feel that the terrorism was conducted on their behalf if
we refer to those accused of the killings as Hindu terrorists.

But listening to Doval, I got to thinking about the extent to which
the allegations of ‘Hindu terror’ have changed all the rules.

I have always been suspicious of the claims advanced by various police
forces about their successes in the fight against terror. One simple
fact should illustrate why I believe my skepticism is well-founded:
the police keep changing their minds about who is behind the blasts –
and yet, each time they claim to have cracked a case, they advance
these claims with an air of certitude.

Take the Samjhauta Express bombing. When it took place, we were
assured with great authority that the bombers were jehadis, acting
under instructions from Pakistani terror outfits. Now, we are being
told that they were the Hindus who the ATS has in custody.

To go from blaming Pakistani jehadis to pinning the blasts on militant
Hindus is a 180-degree about-turn. Yet our security services show no
embarrassment about the complete shift in stance.

Or, take the example of the last spate of bombings. Four different
police forces have arrested four different ‘masterminds’. Men who were
described as being in the Osama bin Laden league are suddenly not
talked about at all.

All this is indisputable. And if you enter the more controversial area
of encounters, the police come off even worse. Nobody seriously
disputes that many of the people killed in so-called encounters have
actually been shot in custody. The dispute is over whether they were
ever terrorists to begin with. Once a suspect is dead, the police
don’t have to bother with evidence. They make whatever claims they
like and when you challenge these, they resort to the obviously bogus
explanation: “If he was not a terrorist, then why was he firing at the
police?”(Which, of course, he wasn’t….)

There’s more. None of us doubts that torture is routinely used to
extract information from suspects. And, by and large, this practice
has widespread public support.

Consequently, when any of the suspects or their lawyers or human
rights organisations protest about torture, we pay no attention. Of
course, the police are going to use third degree methods, we say. It’s
a question of saving lives.

Such is the attitude of many of India’s politicians – and especially
those in the BJP – that to raise even the most obvious questions about
claims advanced by the police, is to act in an ‘anti-national manner’.
How dare we demoralise our security forces, we are told.

I know this from personal experience. Every time I have raised
questions about encounter-killings or excessive claims made by police
forces, I have been roundly condemned.

The most notorious instance was the famous Ansal Plaza encounter where
the police took two suspects to the parking lot of a shopping mall and
shot them. Then they announced that they had foiled a terrorist
strike. Advani was Home Minister (and Doval was number two in IB) and
he congratulated the police and associated himself with that ‘triumph
in the war against terror’.

When the HT queried the police version, even those BJP leaders who
should have known better called us anti-national and questioned my

We do not know yet whether the recent Batla House encounter was
conducted in the way the police claim it was. But given that there
were legitimate questions to be raised, and given that the police have
a record of lying, it was entirely understandable for people to ask
for explanations. But even then, those who raised questions were
called unpatriotic.

I was reminded of all this while listening to Advani and Doval because
the Sangh Parivar has now conducted a 180 degree about-turn on the
police version of terrorist arrests. Worse still, the BJP now says
that the Anti Terror Squad frames innocent suspects.

To recognise how astonishing the BJP’s about-turn is, think of it this
way. Suppose those accused of terrorism were not Hindus but Muslims.
Suppose it wasn’t a sadhvi but an imam.

How would the BJP have reacted?

First, it would have emphasised the ‘jehadi conspiracy against India’
angle to make Hindus insecure. Then, it would have condemned those of
us who questioned the arrests as traitors.

Assume now that Muslim organisations had banded together to attack the
police in the way that the Sangh Parivar and assorted sadhvis and
sants recently did. We would have been told how shameful it was that
Muslim leaders had ‘communalised’ the situation. The BJP would have
suggested that the Muslim leadership actually approved of the
terrorism. And it would have been said that the spectacle of mullahs
and politicians coming together to question the institutions of a
secular state demonstrated that Muslims had no real loyalty to India.

And yet, the way in which the BJP has responded to the arrests goes
far, far beyond anything that Muslim organisations have done or said.

If it was anti-national to question the Ansal Plaza encounter, then,
by that same yardstick, Rajnath Singh is a traitor for running down
our anti-terrorist squads.

Even Advani, who clearly recognises that there is a double-standard
involved, has written to the Prime Minister complaining about the
torture of one of the suspects. But if a Muslim politician had
demanded that the Delhi police do not torture a Muslim blast suspect,
the BJP would have vilified him.

It is not my case that the Hindus accused of violence are guilty –
they are innocent until the police can prove otherwise in a court of
law. But the BJP cannot take the line that when the cops arrest
so-called Muslim terrorists, they are never to be challenged.

It’s only when they arrest Hindus that we can accuse them of framing
the suspects!

That shameful double-standard exposes the hypocrisy and prejudice at
the root of the BJP’s approach to terror. The party is not really on
the side of the police at all. All that sanctimonious nonsense about
how it is ‘unpatriotic to question our brave security forces’ is
quickly forgotten the moment Hindus are arrested.

We can now see what the BJP’s message to the police really is: arrest
all the Muslims you want; we will back you unthinkingly. But if you
dare arrest a Hindu for terrorist violence, we will attack you from
the highest platforms.

So yes, Advani and Doval are right. We should not use the phrase
‘Hindu terrorists’. But that’s because we shouldn’t communalise
terror. Not because no Hindus are terrorists. Or because all Muslims

And one more thing: now that the entire Sangh Parivar says it is our
patriotic duty to claim that the police tell lies, frame innocent
people and fabricate cases, can all of us who were called
anti-national for merely raising a few questions get an apology

It’s the least Rajnath Singh can do.


Sanjarpur still living in fear, hasn’t lost hope – By Mumtaz Alam Falahi,

November 19, 2008

Sanjarpur still living in fear, hasn’t lost hope

By Mumtaz Alam Falahi,,

New Delhi: What greets you first when you enter Sanjarpur is the graveyard-like silence and a curfew-bound deserted street. There is no curfew officially but people think it safe to remain indoor even in daytime. So much is the impact of havoc and fear caused by the follow-up of the Batla House encounter.



The narrow, dusty road snakes through the village and a few minutes in car after you leave the highway you are at the heart of sleepy Sanjarpur – an open space surrounded by houses with some dozen chairs in the middle indicating people, both mediapersons and human rights activists, have frequented the place since one of the most controversial encounters took place in Delhi’s Jamia Nagar on September 19.

Sajid (17), younger of the two slain suspected terrorists, and Saif who was picked by the ATS from the House L-18 on the day, were from this village.


Sajid’s brother Arif in centre

Sajid’s brother Arif looks shocked and traumatized and also tired of talking to press persons and social workers. He just says that F word is still ruling the roost as the village of 15000 people (with 65% Muslims) is yet to fully come out of the trauma and fear.

Someone informs elders of the village and soon come in many including Saif’s father Mohd Shadab, a politician and a famous district court advocate Wasiuddin. Shadab is former vice president of Azamgarh district unit of Samajwadi Party.



About two months after the encounter, has the situation improved?

“The entire Azamgarh district particularly the village of Sanjarpur is still frightened. Every child is in fear. Even small children are in tension and not taking much interest in education. They fear any sudden and sad incident. The guardians also are not giving much attention to children’s education. They fear STF or ATS may anytime land in the village and pick one,” Shadab told


(From right) Saif’s father Shadab, Advocate Wasiuddin and others

Students who were living in Delhi are not willing to go back. Their guardians also fear the worst, says he.

“We have worked hard to educate our children but the incident has forced us to pull them back. Guardians are concerned about their children’s safety in Delhi, so they are not willing to let them go again. They even think to give them village level education but not send them out,” says Shadab who is locally known as Mister.

But how far will you keep your children at home, how will you give them higher education, what is the way-out?

“First of all there is a need for the government to remove the fear of people. There is a need for promotion of peace and security and this can be done only by the government, state and central. The government should take initiative. They should remove fear and instill confidence among people,” he says, adding, only then people can think of sending their children out.



He relates his visit to Delhi Police’s Special Cell office to meet his son Saif who was arrested from the flat and some others picked later from Jamia Nagar area. All were from Azamgarh. “Saif and other youths in the custody were looking very frightened mentally. We went there after gathering much courage. We were holding back our tears so that they do not get nervous,” Shadab says in choked voice.

Why was Azamgarh targeted?

“Apparently because people here were doing well financially and in education. They are financially sound and literacy rate was going up, people were pushing their children to higher education. Sanjarpur was leading the district in education and youths from the village were going ahead. The incident has shaken their confidence and ambition and shattered their dream,” he says.

Most of the students from the village living in Delhi have come back. Some went back but many are staying back as their guardians are not allowing them to go. They say they will not educate but not sacrifice their children.

Around a dozen students have stayed back. But none of them were willing to come before the media. Though this TCN correspondent was accompanied by known locals faces including two village heads, guardians were not ready to bring them out.

Advocate Wasiuddin is angry over the manner the encounter took place and the refusal by the government of judicial enquiry into the incident.



“They failed in nabbing culprits behind Delhi serial blasts and under pressure and to get accolade they did Batla House. The youths were innocent, why didn’t they arrest them if thousands of security men had surrounded the area and the building,” Wasiuddin asks.

Why they have refused to order enquiry into the case is because they know they committed wrong and want to hide something. To say that the enquiry will dampen the spirit of security persons is absurd as enquiries have been conducted in several encounters in the blast and only then truth could come out and guilty officers were punished. The Sohrabuddin and Connaught Place encounters are living examples, he adds.

“We condemn terrorism and want hardest punishment for terrorists, but first crime should be proved. Muslim religious leaders have condemned it and issued fatwas but after every blast innocent Muslims were picked and no proper investigation was carried out,” says he adding that this will give way to uneasiness in the society and increase terrorism.

Saif’s father Shadab hopes that “all the youths from Azamgarh arrested in connection with blasts will be acquitted as they are innocent. The blood of those killed will not go in vain.”

The Times of India does it again – VII

November 14, 2008

Comments posted on Times of India website
re: TOI Editorial – Say no to Terror


You Wrote:

“BJP president Rajnath Singh has not done his party any good by defending the accused in the Malegaon blasts.”
Just because Advani and others are resorting to ‘no comment’ on the arrests of so many Sangh Parivar operatives, how you can play naïve and say, as if Rajnath is against the party or against the consensus in the party. Beside how can you presume he is defending the accused; in fact he is defending the whole Sangh Parivar whose credibility as civil society members is in serious jeopardy.

You Wrote:
“Singh, unlike other senior members of his party, has assumed that those arrested by Maharashtra’s anti-terror squad are innocent and has blamed investigators and the Congress party of framing Hindu leaders. His tirade against the investigation is in sharp contrast to the position the BJP has adopted towards terrorism so far. The BJP has always called for strong action against terrorism and castigated the government for not doing enough to curb terrorism. “
Your sermonizing is laughable. The party and its whole crowd thrive on terrorism going back to 1925, when the founders of RSS idolized fascism of Mussolini and Hitler. How can TOI ignore a long history of Sangh Parivar’s terror record? Assassination of Mahatama Gandhi and demolition of Babri Masjid are the most striking achievements of the votaries of violence and terror in the past. How can you expect anything other than their trademark reaction to their being caught in the act? Besides, it is the Times of India that was the first from the mainstream media to use the term ‘reverse terrorism’ in the headline of one of your stories, right after ATS announced the arrest of Sadhvi. It was almost a covert signal to the faithful to follow the aggressive line of defense. Can your editorial advice to BJP convince your average reader that your own credentials are above board in the matter?
Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai
Full text of the editorial:

BJP president Rajnath Singh has not done his party any good by defending the accused in the Malegaon blasts. Singh, unlike other senior members  


of his party, has assumed that those arrested by Maharashtra’s anti-terror squad are innocent and has blamedinvestigators and the Congress party of framing Hindu leaders. His tirade against the investigation is in sharp contrast to the position the BJP has adopted towards terrorism so far. The BJP has always called for strong action against terrorism and castigated the government for not doing enough to curb terrorism. The party can’t now accuse investigators of partisanship because some of the accused belong to its ranks. 

The BJP has been in a mode of denial since the ATF arrested Sadhvi Pragya Thakur, formerly with the BJP’s student wing, in the Malegaon blasts case. First, Singh claimed that a believer in cultural nationalism couldn’t be a terrorist. Since then, more sangh parivar activists have been arrested in connection with the blasts. The BJP should wake up to this serious threat to national security from within the sangh parivar’s ranks and not shift the blame to the police. The party should also rein in leaders like Gorakhpur MP Yogi Adityanath who has been issuing provocative statements against the police. Hindu monks are liable to prosecution if found guilty of terrorism like other citizens of this country. The charges could be challenged in the court but party leaders should not slam the arrests as a political conspiracy without evidence. Terrorism of any ideological persuasion is unacceptable and political parties should make that clear to cadres. 

For the BJP, this is a moment of reckoning. The party has to decide whether it wants to protect extremists in its ranks or adopt liberal political views. Singh, unfortunately, seems to prefer the former and his shrill comments resemble those of politicians like Shiv Sena leader Bal Thackeray who recently called for forming Hindu suicide squads. A national party like the BJP can’t afford to mimic the likes of Thackeray. 

It is up to senior BJP leaders like L K Advani to clarify that there is no ambiguity about the party’s position on terrorism. However, they have been largely silent. As a party expected to be in the running to form the government after the next general elections, the BJP needs to clarify its stand on all forms of terror. The country is waiting.


Hindu Terrorism – Editorial – Urdu Times, Urdu Daily, Mumbai

November 14, 2008

Urdu Times, Urdu Daily, Mumbai


Thursday, November 13, 2008




Hindu Terrorism


Anti-Terrorist Squad (ATS) has achieved the spectacular success in opening the Pandora’s Box of Hindu terrorism. However, the same Pandora’s Box could be instantly slammed close, if and when RSS’s protégé BJP led coalition, the NDA, forms its government at the center and comes to power in various states. Some experts are of the firm opinion that whoever forms the next government at the center and in the states, the genie of Hindu Terrorism cannot be pushed back into the bottle easily. A third group of analysts hold that the whole card of Hindu Terrorism has been played to political mileage. As for the public may have come to regard Hindu Terrorism as open secret now, for the ruling political parties, governments and state security agencies it never was a secret any time ever. After Nanded, Ghatkoper and Kanpur bomb explosions, lower level police machinery was fully aware of everything that the explosion represented. Except for the Tankashi bomb blast, the pattern of all the three blast was very much the same. At administrative level, Tankashi and Kannur go to complete the picture. That is that all the explosions happened during bomb making and all those died while preparing the bombs, belonged to the same Sangh Parivar (RSS, Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), Bajrang Dal. For comparative identification and grouping, we can line up Tankashi with Malegaon and Modasa. According to police and ATS in these three places, people from Sangh Parivar’s affiliates – Abhinav Bharat, Hindu Vahini, ABVP and RSS were involved who with help from some current and past (retd) Army officers had been instrumental in planning and executing the terrorist bomb blasts. On the other hand, in fact, there has never been one single incident, when a Muslim had been either found dead while making bombs or had been caught while making bombs. No material for bomb making or no ready bombs were found from any home of a Muslim, nor from any riverbed near any Muslim’s house, nor from any nearby pond or well. Besides, former Chief Minister of Digvijay Singh is on record for publicly announcing that RSS has been involved in bomb making for a long time and proof of that bomb making operations have been duly sent to the Central authorities. However, till today nrither any organisation of the Sangh Parivar has been declared as terrorist organisation, nor any restrictions were imposed nor associates of those who died in bomb-making incidents have been arrested as terrorists. In sharp contrast, those Muslims arrested in wrongly accused charge of bombings, and the organisations to which they belonged were declared as terrorist organisation without any delay whatsoever. On all these, charges were framed under the old Tada, Pota, Mcoca, Gujcoca acts and Sangh Parivar has declared as unpatriotic and treason, the very act of legally defending these accused. On the other hand, Hindu Yuva Vahini chief Yogi Adityanath had challenged Union Home Minister Shivraj Patil and Maharashtra‘s Home Minister R. R. Patil, that if they have courage, they should personally come and arrest him. ATS seeks to question the Yogi about those arrested, Sadhvi and her co-accused in the Malegaon and Modasa cases. Meanwhile, beside Shiv Sena, a whole army of Sanghi Hindutva intellectuals, journalists, think tanks is lined up to forcefully support the accused terrorists. They condemn the ongoing debate in media over the Hindu terrorism. In Economic Times (Wednesday, November 12, 2008), on the same lines, an article by P. R. Ramesh is published in which he writes: “Propagandists on the Left-Liberal brigade have created the perception that the threat from the Hindu groups is graver than that from the radical Islamic groups.” One thing is very clear from the attitude of the Sanghi propagandists that ‘Hindu Terrorism’ is now a fact, but now that this Pandora’s box has opened up, it is difficult to ignore it, as all sympathisers of Hindu terrorism are justifying it as ‘REVENGE ATTACKS’. The real intent of ATS and its political supporters will be revealed within the next 6 or 7 months when coming elections are over and the new governments in center as well as in states will be in the saddle. Still our firm belief is that divine ways of punishment is not necessarily with sound and fury and the world may conspire in whatever manner it chooses, Allah’s will be done.

TERROR ATTACKS: HINDU EXTREMISM | Godse’s War | ‘If We Can Have Bullet For Bullet, Why Not Blast For Blast?’ – Himani Savarkar — Outlook Magazine

November 10, 2008

TERROR ATTACKS: HINDU EXTREMISM | Godse’s War | ‘If We Can Have Bullet For Bullet, Why Not Blast For Blast?’ – Himani Savarkar — Outlook Magazine






Ripped out: Malegaon blast site, Sept 29






Godse’s War


The Abhinav Bharat, with its alleged army links, sets a dangerous precedent. The fight against terror takes another dimension. ......



Pune, once a shy retreat for pensioners, is now a booming business city―a second Mumbai just four hours by road from India‘s commercial capital. Traditionally, it also has the reputation of being Maharashtra‘s cultural and educational hub. But Pune has yet another side, being home to militant and ‘nationalistic’ Hindu ideologies for decades. Marathi Brahmin families scattered across the towns of western India suffered a backlash of sorts at the hands of pro-Congress Marathas and others after the Mahatma’s assassination. They mostly came and settled in Pune, an old Brahmin centre, carrying a deep resentment that runs through generations.



The students or ‘Ramdandees’ prayed to a Ram idol made out of spent cartridges.




This animus sporadically manifests itself, resonating with India‘s politics of suspicion and hate.

In recent weeks, Pune has been in the news after the Maharashtra anti-terrorist squad (ATS) turned its attention here in the




investigations into the September 29 Malegaon blasts. The blast killed six and injured 90 and the terror trail led investigators to Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur and then later to Sameer Kulkarni, Major (retd) Ramesh Upadhyay, Abhay Rahirkar, Rakesh Dhawde and Lt Col Shrikant Prasad Purohit, a serving officer in Military Intelligence. All of them are from Pune and associated with Abhinav Bharat, modelled on an organisation founded several decades ago by Veer Savarkar. Himani Savarkar, married to Veer Savarkar’s nephew, has been the Abhinav Bharat national president since 2006 (see ‘If We Can Have Bullet For Bullet, Why Not Blast For Blast?’).

Slug for slug: Bhonsala Military School

What Abhinav Bharat Does

Though registered in Mumbai, Abhinav Bharat’s association is more with Pune since key members are from the city.

The organisation’s activities clearly reveal its virulent character. In one pamphlet, it even exhorts members to seek revenge for the “killing of millions of Hindus over several centuries”. It has also organised several “conventions” in Bhopal, Raisen and




“I have over 1,000 of my boys in the forces. Each one has been brainwashed by me….”






Vidisha districts of MP, where it is particularly active. At these conventions, it has described Muslims as “dharma shatrus (enemies of the faith)”. More in tune with its militant character, one of the outfit’s slogans reads, “Kshama yachna nahin, ab to ran hoga, sangharsh bada bhishan hoga (No mercy or apology, now it will be war; the battle will be extremely intense).” Major (retd) Ramesh Upadhyay, arrested in connection with the Malegaon blasts, is the outfit’s working president.

The new Abhinav Bharat took shape over several meetings held by senior members from Maharashtra and MP in 2006. It was at this point that Himani Savarkar was approached to head the organisation. According to her, at last count, Abhinav Bharat had nearly 500 members across the country. While the outfit was supposed to “fight injustice and combat terrorism”, its presence began to be felt more through sporadic, suo motu acts of violence.

Where Has It Struck

According to reports, the group has been named in an attack on a Christian family in Jabalpur on August 3. Pastor Sam Oomen and his family were beaten up by a mob allegedly led by a vice-president of Abhinav Bharat. The ATS is also looking for Ramchandra Kalsangra―the brother of Shivnarayan Singh Kalsangra, who is already under arrest in the Malegaon blast case. On November 3, the ATS produced the transcript of an alleged conversation between Pragya Thakur and Ramchandra discussing details of the Malegaon blast. However, the authenticity of the transcripts has been contested by defence lawyers.



On September 16, Abhinav Bharat members held a meeting at the Bhonsala Military School, Nasik, a few kilometres south of Malegaon where the blasts later took place. Interestingly enough, the request for using the school premises came from Lt Col Purohit. D.K. Kulkarni, secretary of the governing council which oversees the school’s overall functioning, says, “Purohit had served with the new commandant of the school, Col S.S. Raikar and so requested him to let the Abhinav Bharat hold its meeting in the school. While we didn’t know much about the organisation, I remember that its constitution did state that its primary aim was to fight against injustice.” 

School council secretary D.K. Kulkarni

Spread over 160 acres, the Bhonsala Military School is different from other institutions of its ilk in that the curriculum stresses on religious instruction too. It seeks to instil “Bharatiya values” and the virtues of Lord Ram among its students. The school campus has been named Rambhoomi and its students Ramdandees. The symbolism blends the religious and the martial: they pray to an idol of Ram sculpted out of used cartridges. Kulkarni explains: “We created it out of the spent bullets fired by our students at the firing ranges.”

Purohit, who was posted with the local Army Liaison Unit (ALU) in Nasik before he moved to Panchmarhi to attend a language course recently, was a well-known figure at the school. Kulkarni says he “remembers that Purohit was posted here in Nasik. We had invited him to deliver talks to the students for some of the four annual lectures we organise every year”. It was the Purohit connection to the blasts that led the ATS to the school and to its commandant, Col Raikar, who has also served with Military Intelligence.

Did The Army Ignore Warning Signs?

Raikar’s appointment in the school raises several questions. The officer had sought premature retirement from the army at a time when the official policy was to discourage officers from leaving, except under exceptional circumstances. These, according to the army’s official policy, were on compassionate grounds or on being overlooked for promotion. In Raikar’s case, there was no such pressing reason for a premature release. On the contrary, he had been sent by the army to attend a course in counter-intelligence in the United States, a reason adequate enough to deny him premature retirement. Strangely enough, Raikar appeared for the selection interview for the school’s new commandant while still serving in the army. While agreeing to his release, army HQ seems to have ignored the fact that the officer was joining a school that had strong ideological leanings with the rss.

Brain wash: MMF chief Lt Col Chitale

Cut to Lt Col Jayant Chitale, a retired air defence artillery officer who runs the Maharashtra Military Foundation (MMF). Chitale lives and operates out of a bungalow a few blocks from Purohit’s home off Law College Road, Pune. He says with some pride, “I have over 1,000 of my boys serving in the three services today. Each one has been brainwashed by me. They are motivated, determined and will do anything for the nation.”

Interestingly, a visitor’s book that Chitale has carefully preserved for nearly two decades lists the names of all the young men who trained under him. An entry on February 20, 1993, lists a young Shrikant Prasad Purohit, residing on Law College Road, Pune. “He was a brilliant boy,” says Chitale, “This Malegaon blast could be the reaction of years of frustration within the army over denial of their rights and prestige.The politicians and the bureaucrats continue to ignore the military at their own peril and these acts could just be the beginning.”

Chitale, whose MMF is now floundering for lack of funds, had several ideas that upset the military establishment. In 2002, he raised a “suicide commando squad” of “dedicated Maharashtrian youth” to be covertly deployed “inside Pakistan“. As news of this reached officialdom, the military brass rushed and requested him to desist from such activities. “There are several kinds of terrorism and these range from petty acts like chain-snatching to terrorism sponsored by foreign countries like Pakistan. If they blow up one bus in India, we must have the capability to blow up five of theirs. That is the only way we can tackle this kind of terror,” says Chitale.

His words echo Himani Savarkar’s credo: “I don’t believe in the philosophy of turning the other cheek if someone slaps you. We must strike back…why can’t we have a blast for a blast?”



Apoorva Guptay

Himani Savarkar at her Pune home





‘If We Can Have Bullet For Bullet, Why Not Blast For Blast?’


The niece of Nathuram Godse, married to Veer Savarkar’s nephew, is the president of the Abhinav Bharat… ......







Till 2000, Himani Savarkar was an architect. That’s when she discontinued her practice to become the president of the Hindu Mahasabha. The 61-year-old Himani lives in Pune and her hardline Hindutva roots are well-entrenched. She is the daughter of Gopal Godse, the brother of Nathuram Godse, and is married to Veer Savarkar’s nephew. Himani is also the president of the Abhinav Bharat. Some members of the organisation have been linked to the Malegaon bomb attack of September 29. Himani spoke to Outlook. Excerpts:

How did you become the president of Abhinav Bharat?

I had known Sameer Kulkarni (the Maharashtra ATS has alleged that he was part of the team that provided logistic support for the Malegaon blasts) for quite some time. Like me, he was also part of the rss. When he decided to start Abhinav Bharat, he approached me to become its president and I accepted.

What are the objectives of Abhinav Bharat?

Our aim is to fight terror―spread awareness of who the real terrorists are and teach people how to oppose terrorism. This should have been done by the government but it has failed to prevent terror attacks. Since the government failed to act, there had to be a reaction. If what the police claim against Sadhvi Pragya Singh and the others is true, then it is just a reaction against the real terrorism….

But is a blast-for-blast strategy the way to tackle terrorism?

Didn’t Maharashtra deputy CM R.R. Patil say that we must reply with a bullet for a bullet? Then why can’t we have a blast for a blast? Sameer Kulkarni and the others are patriots who love their country. But the government is now trying to declare them guilty to weaken the Hindus. We have become a soft state…should we all wear bangles now? The government doesn’t want to fight terrorism. That’s why it will never take action against the Muslims. The police have cracked so many cases like the encounter in Delhi where Muslim terrorists were killed. But as soon as the police takes action, there are shouts for a judicial inquiry.

You have faith in the police when it comes to Muslims as terror suspects but not so when Hindus are accused by the same cops? Also, Muslims say they never got justice after the 1993 Bombay riots and the 2002 Gujarat riots? How do you respond?

This is a demand made by Muslims based on their religion. If they are to make such demands, then there are so many countries for Muslims and they should go live there. There is only one country for Hindus and we must protect it. I don’t believe in reports like the Srikrishna Commission report (on the ’92-93 Bombay riots) because I know how they are managed.

So, has the Nanavati Commission’s report on the Gujarat riots also been similarly ‘managed’?

I don’t know much about that report. But you must remember that it is normal human behaviour to react. All that is happening today is a reaction from the Hindus. I don’t believe in the philosophy of turning the other cheek if someone slaps you. We must strike back. So, if someone takes action to defend the Hindus, then we must defend them.

How should India fight terrorism?

We must declare ourselves a Hindu rashtra where everyone is a Hindu. Anyone who isn’t should be declared a second-class citizen and denied voting rights. Those who have problems with this should leave and settle in other countries. The Hindu votebank must unite to vote out any government that fails to tackle terror. Then we must throw out the outsiders like Bangladeshis who live off India‘s wealth and work towards destroying us.

What if people of other faiths reject your prescription and refuse to call themselves Hindu….

Then they are welcome to leave this country. Those living in Germany are called Germans, in England they are English, then why shouldn’t those living in Hindustan be called Hindus? 



There’s A Wolf In The Foxhole


The Indian army faces up to seeing, for the first time, a serving officer charged with terrorism ......

Lt Col Shrikant Prasad Purohit of Military Intelligence has become the first serving member of the Indian army since Independence to be formally charged with aiding and abetting terrorism. Purohit was arrested late on October 5 with the Maharashtra ATS claiming they have evidence to show that the officer was linked to Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur and her associates, said to be Malegaon blasts masterminds.

The 36-year-old officer is said to have provided training, arms and even passed on funds to the group. The ATS says monies were passed on to Abhay Rahirkar, the Abhinav Bharat treasurer. The officer also passed on imported revolvers and cartridges to Rakesh Dhawde. Purohit was also in touch with the organisation’s working president Major (retd) Ramesh Upadhyay via text messages immediately after the Malegaon blasts. Transcripts reveal the former knew about the terror attack.

Purohit’s arrest raises several uncomfortable questions for the army. Section 21 of the Army Act of 1950 specifically restricts commissioned officers from being associated with “any society, institution or association”. They are also not allowed to “attend or address any meeting or to take part in any demonstration organised by any body of persons for political or other purposes”.

Did Purohit transgress Section 21? The ATS claims Purohit crossed the line, participating in several meetings of the Abhinav Bharat. Not only were the outfit’s hardline Hindutva moorings wellknown, it also propounded that the forces be designated as the “Bharatiya Armed Forces”. It believed the army should be reconstituted in tune with “Bharatiya tradition” and wanted the MoD to be renamed the “Ministry of War”. In the days to come, the establishment will have to look at the Purohit case more closely. Who were his links and, more importantly, are there others like him serving in the forces?




Sadhvi Pragya on her way to Nasik court




Mirror, Mirror


BJP can yet gain from “Hindu terrorism” .........









To Commit Or Not

· Top BJP leaders like Advani and Arun Jaitley have kept silent on Sadhvi Pragya’s arrest 

· Loath to close centre-right doors, BJP is watching VHP, RSS keenly 

· For now, the party is content to oppose terms like “Hindu/saffron terrorism”


Ideological roots and the larger parivar often compel the BJP to defend the indefensible. The party also revels in the simple psychological premise that a suspected Muslim is a terrorist till proven otherwise while a Hindu is being labelled a terrorist “because of the appeasement politics of the Congress party”. This is the sort of logic on which the politics of the Hindu right has been based. Following the arrest of Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur for alleged terror activities, it is therefore no surprise that BJP leader Ravi Shankar Prasad says: “The BJP strongly condemns terms like Hindu terrorism and saffron terrorism. Those who mindlessly use such terms never use terms like Muslim terrorists, when so many Muslims have been found involved in terrorism.” 

Yet there is a dilemma in the party that also craves for middle-of-the-road respectability, on whether to come out whole-heartedly in support of an individual like Sadhvi Pragya. The leaders with greater national currency and high profiles have kept silent. L.K. Advani, for instance, had hesitated―till the RSS summoned him to Jhandewalan and pushed the case. Subsequently, Advani went along with the line that the idea of “Hindu terrorists” must be attacked, although he has refrained from saying much.

Arun Jaitley, the legal brains of the saffron party, has also kept silent. One leader says bluntly: “It is prudent to wait and watch how the case and the politics around it progresses. If it does indeed appear that the case is falling apart and a public sympathy for Pragya and her associates mounts, it is only then that the main leaders of the party should take a position.” President Rajnath Singh has already taken the “Hindus cannot be terrorists” position, but then he draws all his authority from the RSS. 

There is still ambiguity on whether defending “Hindu terrorists” will nicely dovetail into the Muslim terror-Amarnath yatra-Hindu persecution-Muslim appeasement pitch of the BJP. The most interesting perhaps is the position of Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi. Here is a figure who some see as the only inspirational leader in the Hindutva pantheon. He is undoubtedly the macho man of the saffron party. But he is also the individual who treats the VHP and Bajrang Dal like dirt. He is believed to have stated to a fellow chief minister: “If these fellows create trouble throw them into jail.” Just last week a joint secretary of the Gujarat VHP, Ashwin Patel, was arrested after a three-month investigation into abusive SMSes he sent mocking Modi after the July 26 Ahmedabad blasts. Patel has been charged with sedition, defamation and inciting communal passions. 

In Gujarat, the VHP has declared that Modi is “anti-Hindu”. The petty, black-and-white reasoning of the VHP and Bajrang Dal always concludes that anti-Hindu is pro-minority. The Gujarat VHP general secretary Kaushik Mehta has taken the self-same position that Modi is now “appeasing minorities”. Last week VHP leader Praveen Togadia arrived in Delhi and refused to speak about Modi whom he has known well and famously fallen out with. But he said much about Sadhvi Pragya―”I do not know her at all but know she is not a terrorist because she is a Hindu.” Brilliant defence over, Togadia proceeded to rant about Islam and Muslims. 

There is one interpretation that the RSS-VHP-BJP is now united in trying to get electoral mileage out of the cases of Hindus arrested on charges of terrorism.Ideologically, the parivar and party subscribe to the view of Hindu persecution and encourage militant positions against minorities. But there is also a section in the party that sees the Bajrang Dal/VHP as having no electoral relevance, but great nuisance value. But should Pragya and her accomplices be elevated to cult status, they will not hesitate to participate in the “Hindu” chorus. 





Rejoinder to Yogendra Yadav’s TOI article: “Injustice can produce a Gandhi, a Mandela or a terrorist” (Tuesday, October 28, 2008).

October 28, 2008

Tuesday, October 28, 2008



Rejoinder to Yogendra Yadav’s TOI article: “Injustice can produce a Gandhi, a Mandela or a terrorist” (Tuesday, October 28, 2008).




If Yogendra Yadav is referring to the currently popular definition of the word ‘terrorist’, he is wasting his time on matters that are only part of the bigger whole. He must first clearly visualize what he would like to treat as terrorism and what he will not accept as terrorism. Peace cannot be achieved by one-sided colored view of the total picture. An analyst should be prepared to view both sides of the coin.


The timing of his article in TIMES OF INDIA, today, on Oct 28, 2008, a few days after ATS has made some arrests of Hindu Radicals from Sangh Parivar, is very significant as much as, before the public exposure of the involvement of Sangh Parivar’s minions in bombings and communal rioting, the whole blame of such ‘terrorism’ was squarely placed on a convenient agencies created invention called SIMI.


Even now in his present article, he seems to have written an apologia for the Hindu involvement in terror attacks, when he has finally brought up the subject of what triggers ‘terrorism’. I have not come across any of his writing earlier than this, trying to figure out what motivated SIMI to commit bombings, if at all it is involved and if they were subjected to some injustice.


If his main objective is to project how ‘injustice’ impacts the victims, he has not bothered to even hint what injustices had been inflicted on SIMI or Bajrangis and by whom.


If it is the state that is guilty of injustice, then why is Yadav so hesitant, circumspect and scared to take on the state as the real culprit who organises such orgy of violence for its own political exigencies?


Yadav wants to invite the victims to choose, either to become a Gandhi, a Mandela or a terrorist.


However, it is not so easy to make a choice.


Even Gandhi and Mandela did not become ‘heroes’, without British co-opting them into carrying on their own political agenda. British were mortally afraid of another ‘mutiny’ in India. They transported Gandhi, a genuine pacifist — back to India to pacify Indian people —- just as they used to transport indentured labour to distant lands. It is the British that got Jinnah to organise a big welcome in Bombay for Gandhi, to project Gandhi as a big national leader. At every step of the way, Gandhi was courted at the highest level, to help British colonialists to maintain peace in the land. It is the British that left India for their own violation or compulsions, and not necessarily on Gandhi’s peace efforts.


British got Mandela out of prison after 27 years, when it became impossible to continue apartheid due to pressure from US Human Right groups, who wanted all US investments to pull out of South Africa as per US law requirements.


Terrorism in India has wider nuances than what Mr. Yadav has tried to present by way of enticing people to junk ‘terrorism’. His is a very noble exercise. 

However, if he really wants to contribute to clear up terrorism, he should do a deeper study of who is the mastermind behind the curtain manipulating of the pawns on the chessboard.


Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai


TIMES OF INDIA – October 28, 2008


Injustice can produce a Gandhi, a Mandela or a terrorist

By Yogendra Yadav, 

Co-director of Lokniti and senior fellow at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, reminds us that a terrorist is someone who at one point believed in the system

Terrorism is politics by other means. More often that not, a terrorist is a failed or disappointed reformist, someone who at one point believed in the system. Almost every act of mad terrorist violence is shaped by deep passion, not very different from the emotion that shapes any form of creativity. The wounds that a terrorist inflicts on scores of innocent victims are rationalized in the name of justice.

There are no doubt many a mercenaries among the ranks of terrorists, but those who we call terrorists often see themselves as nothing less than heroes, as persons who refuse to take it lying down or follow the conventional and ineffective ways of responding to a perceived injustice. Theirs is often the determination that produces a Gandhi, the quest for justice that creates a Mandela. When this kind of a person takes to terrorism, we lose a vital energy that could have shaped the idea of India.

If we agree that terror is failed politics, then the solution lies in firmly closing the back door of politics of terror and making sure that the front door of democratic negotiation, protest and contestation is kept open.


We have to think, in other words, about what the terrorists wish to say, about how they could have said it without taking this route. The trouble with so much talk about terrorism and ways of eliminating it is that it discusses only one half of the solution. Security experts talk only about how to close the back door of terror. But you cannot close all the doors for someone. You have to think equally hard about how to keep the front door of democratic politics firmly open for those who see no hope in the system.

This is not as simple as it looks. Following this simple formula requires complex negotiation with the orthodoxies that we have surrounded ourselves with. It requires not just confronting the bundle of lies perpetrated by communal politics, we also need to face some of the orthodoxies, silences and half-truths of the secular discourse.

How, for instance, do you firmly close the door of terror? This is not just a question for security agencies and terror experts, but also a question for human rights activists and secular politics. Left to themselves, the security experts will come up with solutions that are worse than the problem itself. Laws like POTA or AFSPA may occasionally succeed in nabbing a terrorist who escapes the net of ordinary laws, but the real-life implementation of such laws is bound to create many more terrorists than it nabs. Encounters like Jamia Nagar strike at the public trust in the police force. Reports like the Nanawati Report on Gujarat strike at the public confidence in judges as custodians of truth. The recent violence in Orissa strikes at the idea of rule of law. But those of us who rightly oppose these have a positive duty too. We must come up with an alternative, democratic way of dealing with the terrorists – Jehadis, Bajrang Dalis or whatever variety – that is at once effective and can respect the rights of every citizen.

The more important question in the long run is how do you keep open the doors for democratic negotiations? This brings us face to face with the delicate question of the involvement of some Indian Muslims in the recent acts of terror. Unfortunately one section of opinion in our country does not wish to acknowledge this fact while the other section does not want to look at the reasons why they may have taken to terror. It is only when we acknowledge that a tiny section of the Indian Muslim youth may be involved in it that we can begin to address some of the underlying reasons.

The way to keep doors for democratic politics open for this section of the Muslim youth is to create a space for open discussion about the condition of the Indian Muslims. The Sachar Committee report has done a great service to the country by making it possible to talk about some of these questions. Now we need to take the next step by debating the ways of addressing the disadvantage and discrimination that the Muslims face in every walk of life. We need to discuss modalities of affirmative action for the Muslims. We need to find ways of improving the political representation of the Muslims. Above all, the public arena needs to open itself to hear the voice of the Indian Muslims, their aspiration for dignity, identity and justice.

Secular politics has to evolve a language to speak about these issues to the public at large. In order to do so, it has to begin to address some difficult questions: How do we address some of the legitimate fears of the Hindus about large-scale institutionalized conversions? What are the rights of the Hindu minorities in J&K or in the North East? How do we react to the patently anti-democratic edicts of the Sikh Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee? Politics of secularism must not be seen to be weak on minority communalism.

If terror is politics in a distorted mirror, it follows that peace has to be politically crafted. This requires nothing short of renewing the idea of India for a new generation. This requires steadfast commitment to truth and the courage to question our own orthodoxies. We could do worse on a day to remember the maryadapurushottam.



The fall of the house of cards By Ghulam Muhammed

September 18, 2008

Thursday, September 18, 2008



The fall of the house of cards



Delhi bomb blasts have completely destroyed the elaborate fiction line that police, investigating agencies, media and politicians all together, deliberately or inadvertently (take your pick) had been dutifully following after each bombing incident all over India. This time around the people were somehow got tired of the old line of blaming SIMI, which seems to have acquired nine lives, now that even two of its masterminds, as declared by ATS, are behind bars and still there is no let up in the bombings.


A big change in people’s thinking was brought about by Ajay Sahni’s meticulous investigative articles in Tehelka that exposed the fake demonisation of a ‘chosen’ enemy, as a convenient ploy to cover up the real culprits that were beyond of pale of law, due to apparent political consideration.


The disarray started in the UPA camp itself, when three prominent coalition party leaders, publicly expressed the doubt in SIMI could have been involved in all these series of bombing.


By the time of Delhi bombings, the storm blew up in the face of the Home Minister, Shiv Raj Patil, who is widely believed to have soft corner for an opposition party, that is most suspected of being involved.


The media took the hint of the adverse winds, and started concentrating on the real job of investigative reporting.


Following is just one example of how the hints are out, that ‘Indian Mujahideen’ could be an invention of some non-Muslim organisation, out to defame and demonise Muslims and prepare grounds to foment communal riots.


Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai


Thursday, September 18, 2008


Page: 1


Terror mail writers may not be madrassa products


Handwriting analysis shows they are urban-bred and may not know Urdu


Aditya Kaul. New Delhi


The emails sent before the serial blasts of Delhi, Ahmedabad, Jaipur and Uttar Pradesh have been signed by three individuals, but one of them was only trying to copy the signature of the group leader just before Jaipur blasts, according to one of Indias leading graphologists.


The graphologist, who has helped the police in several investigations, believes that all the signatories are urban bred, English-speaking individuals, who may have had almost no madrassa education, if they are Muslims. It is quite possible that the three persons who have signed the documents do not know Urdu language. And thats because the strokes in the signature of a person who knows how to write and read Urdu are distinctively different. There is no reason to conclude that all of them are Muslims, he said.


These people are well educated men and have been born and brought up in metros. They have sound family backgrounds and have been brought up in families with a modern outlook, the handwriting expert said.


DNA had over the past two days consulted with some of Indias leading psychologists and handwriting experts to try and figure out the men, and women, if any, who could be playing a key role in the terror groups that are wreaking havoc across Indian cities. Yesterday, DNA carried detailed psychological profiles of the writers of the five terror mails, in which the psychologists surmised that the writers were in the age group of 20-50 and suffered from anti-social personality disorder. They were highly educated.


DNA has now been given a detailed analysis of the signatures on the documents. Four of the five emails have been signed — two of them have been signed as Guru Al Hindi and Al Arbi, the third has been signed only by Al Arbi. The fourth carries a signature faked by someone else for Guru Al Hindi.


The handwriting expert says there are primarily two people who have signed four of the five emails. These two people — Guru Al Hindi and Al Arbi — are personalities in contrast. One is a confident energetic extrovert individual, while the other is an extremely shy introvert.


The two have received assistance from a third person, or more, in drafting the emails. The third person whose signature is on the email sent just before the Jaipur blasts seems to have tried to copy Guru Al Hindis signature and he is only an understudy, if he is part of it.


The original Guru Al Hindi looks like the real executive director of the group. He is calm in the head and thats his plus point, says the graphologist.


The expert, who studied the email independent of the group of psychologists whom DNA consulted earlier, has agreed with several of their conclusions, including the fact that the emails were prepared by a small group of at least three people. There have been five emails which have credible links to the terrorists — four of them sent just as the explosions were to happen in the Uttar Pradesh courts, Jaipur, Ahmedabad and Delhi. The fifth was sent to rubbish the Gujarat polices claims that Simi was behind the Ahmedabad blasts.



Different strokes in terror mails


Handwriting experts say that al Arbi who signed one of the emails may not be a proper follower of Islam


Page: 10


Aditya Kaul. New Delhi


Guru al Hindi and al Arbi, the two persons who signed the terror emails sent just before some of the recent serial blasts across the country, are very contrasting personalities, according to a leading graphologist.


DNA had got the handwriting expert to analyse the signatures on the PDF formatted emails sent after the blasts. Four of the five emails have been signed — two of them as Guru al Hindi and al Arbi, the third only as al Arbi. The fourth carries a signature faked by someone else for Guru al Hindi.


The expert says Guru al Hindi is a person full of bubbling energy and enthusiastic to achieve something ASAP [as soon as possible]. He is riding high on confidence. And this confidence isnt over-confidence.


He knows exactly what he is doing. He is sharp. Kind of an upcoming genius and it would be very tough to trap him. With his kind of sharpness and energy, our agencies stand nowhere as of now.


On the other hand, al Arbi is a complete introvert, who is shy of the world and cant speak out much in the open. He is “definitely” a young male, says the graphologist, who has in the past assisted agencies in investigating sensitive cases. al Arbi’s is the only signature in the email sent out rubbishing the Gujarat police claims on the Ahmedabad bombers. Along with Guru al Hindi he has signed the mails just before the Ahmedabad and Delhi blasts. The email sent before the Uttar Pradesh serial blasts does not contain any signatures.


Al Arbi puts a lot of effort to hide his real self to anyone around him, but at the same time he is fairly literate and likes to read a lot. This youngster is short-tempered but covers up his anger in front of others. A completely emotionally unstable person and, if he continues to be so, the chances are he might just vanish or come out in the open if ignored, says the analyst. Therefore, the best way to catch him is to show that no one is trailing him, the graphologist, who has an enviable record in assisting crime investigation, suggests.


Chances are that al Arbi, a loner by nature, is the only child in his family or the youngest with some elders putting a lot of peer pressure on him. He comes under mental stress easily and yet loves that stage all the time as well.


In an interesting twist to the investigations, the graphologist suggests that this young member of the terror group is working and writes a lot and takes down notes regularly. The person could also be into painting, graphic designing or website designing.


From the emails it is clear that the writers have extensive knowledge of the Indian media scene, and they invariably carry detailed analysis of some newspapers and events in their mails. The sentence construction, the selection of email IDs of news organisations and other factors too point towards the possible media background of some of those involved in writing these mails and bombings. The graphologist does not deny this possibility in his analysis.

The graphologist suggests that al Arbi is dangerously getting into the habit of breaking rules. Probably he is not even a proper follower of Islam, or not even a Muslim in the first place itself.


On the emails, the graphologist said, there is a definite involvement of at least three different people in these documents signed. And there still could be more because the emotions and the tactics to scare and threaten drastically change, which dont match with the characters of the persons signing them.